Your supporters write to the minister who can actually decide the file, with their own MLA and MP copied, in their own name. Every letter different. Every fact drawn from your own research and nowhere else. Nothing that reads like a form letter, because none of them are.
In the research, an individual email written by a real person moves an elected official. A form letter does not. Staff have been sorting one from the other for twenty years and they are good at it. This program fixes that, by writing a letter that looks and reads like an individual one every single time.
Form emails came dead last in the same survey — behind a visit from a paid lobbyist.
CONGRESSIONAL MANAGEMENT FOUNDATION, CITIZEN-CENTRIC ADVOCACY, 2017Same survey, same question, same people answering. That is a gap of about fifteen to one, and it has held up every time the question has been asked since.
CONGRESSIONAL MANAGEMENT FOUNDATION, 2005 & 2011That is the real damage. It does not just write off the campaign, it writes off the organisation that sent it.
CONGRESSIONAL MANAGEMENT FOUNDATION, 2017"Sending a personal letter or email will have more impact than a template."
THE UNITED KINGDOM PARLIAMENT, IN ITS OWN PUBLIC GUIDANCE ON LOBBYING PARLIAMENTSpam filters do the same job, automatically. They take a kind of fingerprint of every message and count how many people got something close to the same thing. They are built specifically so that dropping a supporter's name and postal code into an otherwise identical letter does not fool them. Neither does rotating between four pre-written versions. The only thing that works is letters that are actually different from each other.
The lookup below is real — it returns your actual MP, your actual MLA or MPP, and your actual mayor and councillor, anywhere in Canada, with their real constituency offices. Then pick one of three sample campaigns and generate a letter. Generate it again and you will get a different one.
This is the same lookup a live campaign uses. Federal, provincial and municipal, resolved from a postal code.
Different client, different minister, different facts, different voice. Nothing is shared between them but the engine.
In a live campaign this is the only thing a supporter fills in beyond their address. It is enough — the letter is built around it.
Nobody understands your issue better than you do, and no consultant is going to learn it properly in a week. So the split is simple. You bring the substance. The engine does the labour, and you approve every word before a single letter leaves.
It is short, but it is built out of everything that makes these campaigns fail. Who exactly can say yes — one named person, not a department. What precisely you want them to do, narrow enough that they could do it tomorrow. "Put the $12 million transit grant back in next year's budget" works. "Support transit" does not. Your research, your numbers, and where each one came from. And a list of what these letters must never say — no attacks on anyone, nothing about how someone voted, nothing that reopens a fight you would rather leave shut.
Everything you send me goes into the program, and nothing else does. It does not go looking on the internet, it does not pull in facts you didn't give it, and it cannot invent a number. Your research is the whole world the letters are allowed to live in. If you want to talk it through while you fill it out, that call is free and usually saves a round trip.
Out comes a single file that is the campaign: every fact it is allowed to use, every argument it can make, every subject line, the exact ask, and the tone. Nothing is hidden in a black box. If it isn't in that file, it cannot appear in a letter.
This is the step that matters, and it is yours. You read the file, you check your own figures, you cut anything that doesn't sound like your organisation, and you send it back as many times as it takes. It is your name on these letters and your relationship with that minister, so you get the final word on every sentence. Nothing goes live until you say it is right.
Supporters find their own MP and MLA by postal code, add the one thing that makes it theirs, and send. Every letter comes out different. Each one carries the supporter's name and their own email address, so when the minister's office replies it goes straight to them rather than to me. And a copy of every single letter lands with you, with that supporter's details attached.
A single-issue site built for the campaign and nothing else — your branding, your framing, your call to action, designed to be shared and to convert cold traffic.
Site design is quoted separately and starts at $500 — see website samples and pricing. The engine itself still costs nothing up front.
If you already have a site you like, the form can live inside it. I send you one short line of code, you paste it into the page where you want the form to appear, and that is the whole job. If you would rather not touch your own site, send me the login and I will do it.
Available now on request. If your website builder blocks outside code, there is a second version that works around it.
Every letter carries your supporter's name and their own email address, so replies from the minister's office go straight back to them. The only question is which address the mail physically leaves from. There are three ways to do it.
This is how most campaigns run, and it costs nothing extra. Mail goes out from a dedicated address of mine, set up and maintained for exactly this. Nothing for you to configure.
If I build you a campaign site and you add email service to it, the letters can go out from that address instead, so everything the supporter sees carries your name.
If you already own a domain and want the letters to come from it, we can set that up together. It takes a bit of technical work on your end and mine, so it is quoted on its own — ask and I will price it.
You are blind-copied on every letter that sends. Full text, the supporter's name and contact details, their postal code, riding, MLA and MP, and the timestamp. Not a dashboard summary — the actual mail.
Everyone who takes action is your supporter, full stop. Nobody here emails them, markets to them, or adds them to anything. There is no tier you have to buy to make that true.
If you want it organised into a searchable database, a live dashboard, a breakdown by riding, or fed automatically into whatever software you already use, that gets built to your specification and quoted on its own. Ask and I will price it against what you actually need.
No setup fee, no monthly platform charge, no seat licences, no annual order form, no minimum. If the campaign sends nothing, you owe nothing. Here it is against the platform most Canadian organisations are quoted first.
| THE ADVOCACY ENGINE | NEW/MODE | |
|---|---|---|
| Cost to start | $0. You pay when an email sends. | Free tier, or $44 / $189 / $349+ USD per month depending on the features you need. |
| Cost per email | $2 per email actually sent. That is the whole price list. | Bundled into the monthly tier. Usage above your plan's capacity is billed as overage; the capacity figure is not published. |
| If the campaign underperforms | You pay for what sent and nothing more. | Fees are non-cancelable and non-refundable, and quantities cannot be reduced mid-term. |
| Contract | None. Per campaign, per email. | Term is set on the order form and auto-renews unless you give 30 days' written notice. |
| Who your supporters belong to | You, on every plan — because there are no plans. Nobody here contacts them. | On the free tier, "supporters join the New/Mode's Mailing List." Exclusive supporter communications — where "New/Mode cannot email your supporters" — begins at the $189/mo tier. |
| The letters themselves | Every letter different, built from the material you supplied, and held to a hard minimum for how different they have to be before launch. | A template you write yourself. Whether supporters can edit it is a setting you control. Taking turns between several versions, and AI-written variations, start at the $349+ tier. |
| What the mail is sent from | A sending address kept for this purpose, with your supporter's name and their own email address on every letter. Sending from your own domain instead is available and quoted separately. | A single shared address, civicinput@newmode.io, used by every customer on the platform. Supporter's address attached for replies. |
| Embedding on your own site | Included. One script tag. | Requires the $44/mo tier or above, plus per-URL domain allow-listing. Not supported on Google Sites; documented issues on Wix and HubSpot. |
| Where the facts come from | Your research, and only your research. The program does not search the internet and cannot invent a figure. Every number needs a source and a date attached before it is allowed in. | Whatever you type into the template. No structure imposed on it. |
| Who does the work | You fill out one questionnaire. I build it, run it, and hand it back for your approval before anything sends. | You do, in their editor — the writing, the variations, the setup. Live onboarding and strategy calls begin at the $349+ tier. |
| Restrictions on your cause | None beyond the law and my own judgment, discussed openly before we start. | Your campaign has to fit inside their own advocacy goals. If it falls outside them, you cannot use the service. Worth reading their terms closely before you commit. |
New/Mode figures are drawn from their own published pricing page, support documentation and software services agreement, retrieved 29 August 2026. Their prices are quoted in US dollars; mine are Canadian. Platforms change their terms, so verify anything here that matters to your decision before you rely on it — and if you find something out of date, tell me and I will correct this page. New/Mode is a real company doing real work for real organisations; this is a comparison of two approaches, not a complaint about theirs.
Seventy-two hours is the average, and the clock starts when your completed questionnaire lands with me — not when we first talk. From there it is build, you review, and launch. The build itself is quick. What sets the real pace is how fast you turn the questionnaire around and how many rounds of review you want.
Faster is available when a file moves suddenly, which files do. If you need something live in twenty-four hours because a bill got tabled or a decision got scheduled, say so and I will tell you honestly whether it can be done well in that window.
Yes, and not in the way other platforms mean it. Most of them let you write four or five versions and then take turns between them. Two supporters on the same street can still end up sending word-for-word the same letter, which is exactly what filters and staff are watching for.
Here, the opening, the arguments, the facts quoted, the personal bit, the way the ask is worded and the sign-off all change independently of each other, and the letter is built around what that particular supporter told you about themselves. The program is held to a hard minimum for how different the letters have to be, and a campaign that cannot clear it does not launch. Try it above — hit "generate a different one" five times and read them side by side.
Your supporter's. Their name is on the letter and their own email address is attached to it, so when the minister's office replies it goes straight to them rather than to me or to a company's help desk.
The address the mail physically leaves from is mine by default, kept and maintained for exactly this, and that costs you nothing. If I build you a campaign site and you add email service to it, letters can go out from that instead. And if you already own a domain and want the letters coming from it, we can set that up together — it takes some technical work on both sides, so it is priced separately. Just ask.
One thing worth knowing: no platform anywhere can send mail that genuinely comes out of your supporter's own Gmail or Outlook account. The email system does not allow it, and providers reject mail that tries. Everyone in this business solves it the same way. What differs is whose address it is. On the big platforms, every customer in the world shares one — so one bad campaign by a stranger can hurt your delivery, and an office that blocks them blocks you too.
Any issue. The engine has no politics in it — it is a research discipline and a generation pipeline. The three demo campaigns above are a rural municipal coalition, an industry association and a charitable network, deliberately chosen because they need to sound nothing alike, and they don't.
What the issue does need is a decision-maker who can actually grant the ask, and an ask specific enough to be granted. "Support small business" is not a campaign. "Exempt operations under $500,000 in revenue from the levy in Budget 2027" is.
It can only work from what you gave it. The program does not search the internet and it does not have opinions of its own — the facts in your questionnaire are the entire world it is allowed to draw from. If a number isn't in your material, it cannot appear in a letter. There is also an automatic check that throws out anything with no actual figure in it, no source, or no date, and any argument that doesn't point at a real fact.
The other mistake worth guarding against is the program claiming something about a supporter that isn't true — a job they don't have, a kid they don't have. The letters are built so the personal part can only ever come from what the supporter typed in themselves.
Then you read the campaign file before anything launches. Every fact, every argument, every subject line, in one document, with your figures next to the sources you gave for them. Nothing goes live until you have signed off on it.
One named minister, chosen in advance during the interview, with their title and salutation confirmed rather than assumed. Every letter in the campaign goes to the same decision-maker, because a campaign that scatters across forty recipients is not a campaign.
The supporter's own MLA and MP are copied, resolved live from their postal code. That is the part that makes it a constituent letter rather than a petition, and it is why the demo above starts with the lookup.
Two dollars per email that sends. Nothing to set up, nothing monthly, no minimum, no contract. A campaign that never launches costs you nothing at all.
If you want a campaign site built, that is quoted separately and starts at $500 — but if you would rather put the form on the site you already have, that costs nothing extra. A custom database is quoted on its own against what you actually need.
Monthly, based on the emails that actually sent in that calendar month. If two hundred letters went out in March, you get an invoice for those two hundred at the start of April. If nothing sent in March, there is no invoice.
No deposit, no retainer, no annual commitment sitting on your books. You are never paying for a month you didn't use.
There are limits built in. Any single internet connection can only send so many letters, so nobody can sit there and hammer the button a thousand times. That handles the ordinary version of this problem before it starts.
If something worse gets through — someone running a script, or a coordinated attempt to run your costs up — we work it out together. I go through the logs with you, we identify what was real and what wasn't, and you are not charged for the junk. You should never end up paying for someone trying to hurt you.
You bring the substance, I build and run the machine. You fill out one questionnaire — your research, your ask, your red lines — and everything after that is mine to handle: the build, the site or the embed, the sending, the copies back to you. There is no software licence to buy and no editor to learn.
What stays yours is everything that carries your name. You approve the campaign file line by line before launch, and you decide whether it goes live at all. If a sentence doesn't sound like your organisation, it doesn't ship.
The first conversation is usually about whether an email campaign is even the right instrument for your file. Sometimes it isn't, and I would rather say so than sell you one. If it is, seventy-two hours is generally all it takes to be live.
There is nothing to sign to have that conversation, and nothing to pay until an email sends.